Beyond Labels

A 360° Discussion of Foreign, National and Local Policy Issues

Possible topic for 30 December or 6 January: Does (and should) the federal government ever make “investments”?

After last Monday’s session ended, I suggested to Scott that we discuss the proper purposes of the federal government. An opinion piece in today’s New York Times (https://www.nytimes.com/2024/12/27/opinion/elon-musk-industrial-policy.html?unlocked_article_code=1.kk4.vx7n.2Ag_Jo35qjd5&smid=url-share) made me think we could address a.narrow slice of that question:

Does (and should) the federal government make “investments”?

I won’t be there on 30 December since I’ll be helping to make soup for the Simmering Pot that morning, so maybe we could discuss this topic on 6 January.

To answer these questions, I think we’d need to address other questions, including the following:

What is an “investment”? Is the definition the same for the federal government as it is for the private sector? If not, how do the definitions vary, and why?

Have some federal government expenditures in the past been “investments” ( e.g., the Louisiana Purchase; the purchase of Alaska; the Erie Canal; the Panama Canal; the space program, to the extent it generated spin-offs like communications, weather, GPS, and other satellite programs; funding for medical research or development of the internet; the national highway program; the air traffic control system; military spending on drones, radar, and other technologies; tax subsidies and credits to mitigate climate change; funding for social safety net programs like food stamps; etc.). If some of these have not been “investments, why not and what were they?

What recent federal government expenditures that were labeled as “investments” were actually not investments? If not, why not and what were they?

Should the federal government articulate an “investment” policy? If so, what should it be?

Should the federal government only make “investments” that the private sector would not make on its own? How should that determination (a “but for” test) be made?

How should the federal government determine whether its “investments” have been “successful”?

12/16: NATO

The action in Syria reminded us of its neighbor to the north, Turkey, whose views on global geopolitics seem to be quite different from the U.S.’s (and much of Western Europe’s) views.

So we agreed to discuss the NATO alliance and the varying geopolitics “bents” of many of its members–especially those whose perspectives differ materially from the mainstream–such as, perhaps, Hungary and Turkey.

Is the alliance structurally suitable to accommodate those who are active intermediaries with Putin’s Russia? Is there a fundamental misalignment of values amongst the member countries? What “veto” rights can individual members assert, and how can they affect NATO’s effectiveness?

Here are some links from one of our participants:

  1. The NATO website (https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_17120.htm) with background information about the organization, its history, a list of current member states, and the text of the North Atlantic.Treaty that created it.
  2. A July 2023 opinion piece in The New York Times (https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/11/opinion/nato-summit-vilnius-europe.html?smid=em-share) arguing that NATO is not the mutual defense organization it purports to be.
  3. A Wikipedia article (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enlargement_of_NATO) describing the history of NATO enlargement, the criteria and process for admitting new members, and the list of the three current aspirant countries (Bosnia and Herzogovina, Georgia, and Ukraine).

12/9: “Potluck”

Having failed to select a topic for the upcoming Beyond Labels meeting, we’ll open the floor to follow-ups to some recent topics (the Trump transition, municipal role in protecting local dams, etc.) or new ones, like the fall of the Assad government in Syria.

Consider what you think would be good fodder for our discussion.

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